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The presence of police forces in the streets of Athens on a daily basis brings to mind dark times of Greek history when the country was under cruel dictatorship. Amid daily new scenarios involving default, restructuring the debt, exiting the eurozone, return to the national currency and general speculation about the future that makes Greeks more and more insecure and desperate, material and symbolic violence are taken to a new level Under the auspices of neoliberal ideology that divests the state of any responsibility for social provisions as evidenced in the degradation of the welfare state and cutbacks for working people , the weakened social and welfare state resorts more and more to material and symbolic violence, 40 including increased militarization, exponential increases in the police forces and the omnipresence of police para Their group entered Parliament for the first time after winning 5.

In early , Marine Le Pen of the far-right National Front called for the reinstatement of border controls within the European Union and also promised to cut back immigration by 90 percent. Le Pen and her party gained a record Or is it? How much is too much immigration and do many countries feel that they have lost control over their borders? Has modern immigration become a form of neo-slavery? And how about sovereignty? Is declining sovereignty and pervasive restrictionism in the politics of immigration in Europe justifyable? Such questions alert us to the need to disaggregate this highly complex policy arena and develop particularized generalizations about each component of overall immigration policy.

Henri Bergson characterizes this instinct to defend ones nation as an instinct for war; a duty that takes on the form of hostility or violence if and when what we love is threatened. Thus, obligation implies a sense of cohesion and solidarity that is ultimately embedded in relations of inclusion and exclusion see White, The situation has become even more complex in lieu of the politico-economic crisis in Greece. This poses a tremendous challenge for Greeks who are the most reluctant of the southern EU states to recognize that it has become a country of immigrants, because at its core, Greece is simply not a nation of immigrants like the USA or Canada. In sum, contemporary Greece appears to be living in the shadow of a once glorious history that is not.

Greeks themselves often reminisce about this glorious past, their heritage, via monuments that reflect philosophy, democracy and politics. The preservation of the Greek cultural-historical heritage is immense for Greeks, which possibly prohibits them from seeing past the preoccupation of preserving their precious legacy, at any cost, even at the expense of democracy. These emerging demographic changes, fluctuations, and tendencies toward integration and ethno-cultural uniformity have signaled a paradigm shift; in fact, globalization, in and of itself, gives ample cause for a paradigm shift toward a deterritorialized world.

This paradigm shift is certainly reflected in educational systems and policy reforms which, too, find themselves in the midst of political and ideological struggle, across Europe; across the globe. The implications of this paradigm shift are enormous and highly intricate. Professor of political science Daniel J. Elazar asserts that [w]hereas before, every state strove for self-sufficiency, homogeneity, and, with a few exceptions, concentration of sovereign authority and power at the center, under the new paradigm all states must recognize their interdependence; their heterogeneity Elazar, Like many European nations, Greece is currently undergoing a dramatic, painstaking transition, and seems to be in a state of mass confusion, feeling threatened that Greek national identity is becoming obsolete.

There has, unfortunately, been a complete lack of action by the government and public bodies to overcome these obstacles. The paralyzing fear of endangering national sovereignty, coupled by a highly politicized cultural anxiety has come to haunt individual and collective imaginaries in the public life of Greece Athanasiou, Exclusionary politics have created an urgency to address a range of humanitarian, ethical and economic issues that are central to the raging immigration debate.

She is not too far off from the truth. The Wall Street Journal points out that — extraordinarily — Greece, practically alone among developed economies, for one, does not have a centralized and computerized land registry which means, for example, that farmers can surreptitiously cultivate public land and eventually become de facto owners Balz, Hence, there is no easy way to distinguish between migrant, legal or illegal immigrant, asylum seeker, and refugee. Greek immigration policy is haphazard and largely incoherent, while the lack of public records on the duration of the stay of migrants makes the entire situation very confusing.

For years voters swing from one party to another, while governments seem to always be in transition and confusion, leading only to corruption and chaotic governance. Greece is on the receiving end of massive attacks from other European countries who want to hold Greece accountable for neglecting immigrants and particularly for violating European asylum laws. Immigrant subjectivities have always, and throughout history, had to struggle to assert their presence in the sphere of constitutional interpretation, and thereby, recalibrate the interpretive frame Means, Furthermore, rights are granted to, rights are taken away, and rights are suspended according to the interests of supranational or national entities.

As a consequence, education systems, too, are having great difficulty addressing and subsequently meeting these enormous challenges. Given the ongoing tensions surrounding immigration, the immigration experience most certainly deserves a space in the literature so that the voices of immigrant subjectivities can be heard and possibly inspire considerations in shaping policy. What follows in chapter 3, as such, is a theoretical, empirical, and critical review of the literature that investigates and draws together some of the overarching themes and policy issues related to the education of immigrant students in Greece that identifies research gaps and foster policy recommendations aimed at improving education, research, practice, and policy affecting immigrant and marginalized youth.

Such barriers include xenoracism, sidelining, stigmatization, and marginalization — to name a few — that immigrant youth are often confronted with in Greek state schools, in addition to the lack of effective and consistent educational and public policies and programs that reflect the learning and social needs of immigrant students. Guided by the key research questions and themes identified in Chapter 1, as well as the contextual underpinnings outlined in Chapter 2, this literature review supports the study by lending itself not only to a deeper exploration into the political, economic, and social determinants and historical links that affect immigration in Greece today, but moreover, it seeks to facilitate, enrich, and reinforce the analytical and interpretive components of the study.

In addition, the sample sizes in many of these studies are quite large, making them more impersonal and distanced from the actual participants, which is a characteristic of quantitative research — to operate under the assumption of numerical objectivity. The question about how to educate immigrant and minority youth in Greece is tightly bound up with national identity. It is about defending that shared identity by sustaining and preserving the historical, collective, national memory; a historical memory that enables the nation to survive.

But for counties like Greece, immigration threatens not only existing practices and beliefs that are deeply rooted in a strong cultural and social framework, but also, threaten to dissolve national unity and cohesion. I discuss state ideologies of national identity and history extensively in Chapter 8, Meta-Theoretical Analysis. Policymaking in Greece must be understood as a rather ambiguous, yet polymorphic project that is often not followed through, in the sense that, while certain initiated policies might appear to be quite ambitious, even pragmatic and promising, they are at same time, highly contradictory when it comes to their implementation, thus creating a distance, or gap, between policy aim and practice outcome.

But rather than unbundling the project of national citizenship and opening up possibilities for imagining new forms of solidarity and belonging that are less marked by the exclusionist histories of the modern nation-state Purcell, , many countries have instead, narrowed the rights to residency and citizenship by being more rigid, enforcing cultural conformity, taking steps whose predictable effects have been to isolate, and in some cases, penalize those who fall outside these norms Papademetriou, There is no patriotism without pride. This process might help identify any research gaps with the potential to foster policy recommendations aimed at improving education, research, practice, and policy affecting immigrant and marginalized youth.

The review initially seeks to familiarize the reader with the basic assumptions about the problem of immigration and the crucial implications for the social adaptation and education of immigrant students in Greece, and at the same time, provide important insights into the policy implications of the education of immigrant students in Greek state schools. To accomplish an allencompassing review, I will consider the school context, i. In addition, I attempt to establish an historical and sociopolitical connection that will enable the development of a conceptual framework for the research undertaken in this dissertation, i.

In an attempt to address the dynamics and mechanisms that contribute to the marginalization of immigrant people, I have divided the literature review into three main segments. In this segment I take a closer look at the relevant literature around the effect of immigration on the economic and political stability in Greece, as well as the historical patterns of nation building and policymaking. The second segment looks at the literature with reference to the specific challenges facing immigrant youth, and the third segment explores the theoretical and empirical understandings of the immigration experience and seeks to investigate the literature of existing organizations, programs, and policy initiatives currently offered to immigrants.

I thus began this literature review by combing through the last three decades of relevant research in the field. It is important to note that the review is not limited to scholarly journals, alone; rather, it includes published, or at the very least, printed community sources on the needs of immigrant youth, books, newspapers, on-line archives, textbooks, and research published by the Hellenic Migration Policy Institute and other institutes and organizations. Materials reviewed are written in both Greek and English, which has allowed for a more inclusive review with a broader and deeper scope of the issues discussed throughout this dissertation.

The sudden and massive influx of foreigners into the country — a country virtually unprepared and lacking, and continuing to lack, a coherent immigration policy — since Greece was initially and traditionally a sending country, rather than a receiving country — has created not only a demographic shift for immigrant-receiving societies, but has caused a severe national identity crisis that has radically challenged the self-perception of Greek nationhood Christopoulos, The cherishing of the collective mentality could, therefore, be attributed to the role of the nation-state, which has in many ways impeded the development of Greek civil society.

Greek identity is, thus, more of an abstract cultural ideal than a formation process that stems from specific institutions and material conditions Tziovas, This creates powerful dichotomies of inclusion and exclusion that have had a decisive effect on the social integration of those who migrate to Greece. Specifically, the fall of the Greek Junta in brought an end to a repressive cycle that initially begun with the start of the civil war in , producing a sense of liberation that was far out of proportion, followed by a metapolitefsi, or regime change — a particularly effervescent change that radicalized Greek society in very distinct ways, unlike the post-Franco transition in Spain, or the Carnation Revolution in Portugal Kouvelakis, Greece also possessed nothing comparable to the social compromise forged elsewhere in Europe in the s and 60s, claims Kouvelakis; that is, there was no welfare state, no social democratic party, and wage labour continued to be very low.

Workplace regimes were very repressive and unionization was impossible in the private sector, while unions are kept on a very tight rein in the public domain. Such events precipitated outward migration. The social compact, on which Greek governments had rested on, excluded the working class and peasantry and relied on the support of the petty bourgeoisie family-run businesses. The narrow tax base, complemented by the lack of social welfare systems also reinforced another peculiarity: the reduced size of the Greek state, especially small if we leave aside its hypertrophied repressive apparatus Kouvelakis, Hence, without a coherent immigration strategy or policy in place, it is difficult to imagine how Greece will attend to its immigrant population; to non-citizens.

And while steps appear to have been taken, at least politically, to The Minority population of Western Thrace is not a homogenous entity and is comprised of several minority status people like the Pomaks, the Roma and Armenians. Not having access to citizenship does not allow these people to obtain licenses so that they may use tractors for agricultural purposes, for instance; they are not able to obtain hunting licenses, since they are not citizens, and furthermore, they cannot be employed in the public sector this excludes the teachers of the Muslim minority, i.

And while education remains one of the only avenues of social mobility open to most Muslims in Greece, the majority is functionally illiterate within the Greek nation-state, and Greece recognizes one minority: the Muslim religious minority in Western Thrace, who are, in turn, protected by the terms of the Treaty of Lausanne of There never has been. In other words, the Greek state, officially, does not recognize the Macedonian minority in Greece. The implications are discussed further in the Meta-Theoretical Analysis chapter. So, how can a society be democratic without sufficient provisions and protections in place for its minorities Philippou, , let alone the blatant denial of their very existence?

Unfortunately, however, the existence of these structures in Greek society is irrefutable and undeniable. In summary, the two most important factors that influence current Greek educational policy regarding immigrants and minorities is the rise of Greek nationalism focused upon unity through the Eastern Orthodox Church, and the ongoing antagonism between Greece and Turkey based on settling old scores with the Ottoman Empire Kandemir, ; Pollis, ; Molokotos-Liederman, ; Stavrakakis, The presence of Islam in Greece and the strained nature of Greek-Turkish relations are by no means new phenomena.

Understanding the origins of Greek nationalism, therefore, necessitates a clear recognition of the Ottoman past, and the way in which national identity has become re-constructed for the Greeks. The problematic historical background of relations between the two peoples, which we mainly owe to fabricated national narratives, has had a deep impact on bilateral relations, including minority and immigration policies Tekin, In addition, Greece displays a distinctiveness among European nations, which provides an instructive case.

In particular, the positioning of religion as the primary criterion of identity is a rather striking and unique feature, at odds with the prevalent notions of national identity amongst western societies where secular models have long prevailed. Millas states that for the first time the Greek Ministry of Education and Religious Affairs , as well as historians, have clearly supported more positive changes in the school books Millas, Recent controversy, however, was sparked with the introduction of the new grade six Greek 59 history textbook in by the Ministry of Education.

The controversy was and continues to be overwhelming — even though the book did not make it to the classrooms — and very reactionary, stating that the textbook glosses over the hardships that Greeks faced under Ottoman rule, is biased towards Turks, and underestimates the role of the Orthodox Church in the battle for independence Kremida, How the dominant cultural majority frames the educational system and the values that it propagates through schooling can either be inclusive, i. It is on the basis of such pragmatic considerations that my research contributes to current formations and practices of citizenship education and lends 60 particular insights into the symptoms and causes of social exclusion and the denial of substantive citizenship rights to immigrants.

Although Greek immigration policy is certainly affected by European immigration policy, there are some deficiencies of the state policy that are caused by ethical factors such as the complexity of the legislation process and bureaucratic nature of its implementation Spinthourakis, et al. Immigration, then, becomes a population problem, an economic problem, a human rights problem, a security problem. Ultimately, immigration is, in and of itself, a highly intricate matter with tremendous economic, social, political, and cultural ramifications and is by its very nature a policy problem46 that has escalated out of control in the last decades, fuelled by globalization. Immigration subsequently becomes an extremely complex, multi-faceted problem that cuts across policy areas : a population problem, an economic problem, a human rights problem, a security problem, etc.

In his research, Baldwin-Edwards provides a significant compilation of migration data from to In the early s, a very large number of illegal immigrants mainly undocumented immigrants stayed in Greece regardless of government policy. A Census was conducted in February and managed by the National Statistical Service47 with the explicit objective of assuring that all immigrants be recorded. Baldwin-Edwards provides impressive data and comprehensive charts, as well as a brief analysis of the socio-economic effects of migration in Greece. The primary user of the Hellenic Statistical Authority is the Greek state, though international organizations such as the European Commission Eurostat and others use it.

He maintains that all these features favour the illegal and semi-legal employment of immigrants as seasonal farm labour, housekeepers, construction workers, etc. On the other hand, he notes some major differences in the case of Greece. Although the actual numbers are uncertain, approximately 3. These immigrants are mostly with low educational levels which is not the case in the rest of southern Europe. Lastly, the Greek conception of ethnicity has created serious problems for acceptance of immigrants into society. It seems and this frequently arises in the literature that Greece has made no attempt to minimize illegal migration through formal recruitment workers, while the government appears to be in a constant mode of delaying any implementation of EU permanent resident permits.

Unfortunately, immigration problems and other problems in Greece are very much like the Lernaean Hydra — chop off one head and at least two more grow in its place. Furthermore, issues of social cohesion and social capital come into play in the wake of newly risen social and ethnic differentiations and boundaries that create tremendous conflicts due to cultural, ethnic, and religious differences. After surveying the political, social and policy landscape, there is a better sense of why it is that immigrant subjectivities remain hidden or lost from the dominant cultural structures, and more importantly, why immigrant students continue to be marginalized and excluded from educational policy making.

My research provides a necessary foundation to better understanding current educational policymaking in Greece. Not only are immigrants seen as taking up valuable resources, but their presence is making it increasingly difficult to amalgamate communities, thus undermining their sense of national identity. Policy makers must find ways to balance the economic need for migrants against the social problems they seemingly create. Immigration inevitably leads to fears about its social consequences, mainly because the presence of immigrants helps crystallize already existing social anxieties; anxieties about national identity and social cohesion Malik, ; this holds particularly true in the case of Greece.

The sheer inadequacy of current policies or policy proposals in Greece has caused considerable polarization to the left and the extreme right that not only discriminates against immigrants, but that fundamentally violates social justice ethical frameworks. Without a potential path to citizenship, or attaining legal status, immigrant people are left vulnerable and unprotected. As such, comprehensive citizenship reform in Greece is necessary, and ought to be rooted in human rights and social justice principles.

The need for a restructuring of policy that allows for fair access and opportunity is more urgent now, than ever see Kymlicka, Because of the vast array of literature surrounding immigration, my study, for practical purposes, focuses specifically on It seems reasonable to liberalize access to citizenship for permanent residents and to allow the option for double or dual citizenship. I discuss citizenship more extensively in the Meta-Theoretical Analysis chapter and throughout the dissertation. My study is located within a hermeneutic quasi-phenomenological framework because it explored the perceived lived experiences of immigrant students in Greek state schools, while the hermeneutic component also emerged from the cointerpretations — as reflected in the pre-interview activity process53 — between me, as researcher, and the student participants.

A study that adopts a similar paradigm was conducted by Jyoti Rookshana Jhagroo and focuses specifically on immigrant students transitional experiences in their mathematics classrooms. Jhagroo examines the perceived past and present lived experiences of ten immigrant students and how these experiences influence their transition in the mathematics classrooms. Another qualitative phenomenological study conducted my Luz Barrientos attempts to understand the social and academic adjustment of Hispanic immigrant high school students in their school environments in the United States. Barrientos collects data through semi-structured interviews with 8 Hispanic immigrant students in one public suburban high school.

The participants did not partake in the interpretation of the data they produced, which is solely my own, even though they contributed significantly to my self-understanding of what they said. Barrientos concludes that teachers and administrators should not generalize about Hispanic immigrant students because their experiences vary significantly. And while research involving immigrant students learning experiences in schools is slowly growing, there is, at this time, a dearth of research and scholarly literature related to some of the learning and social obstacles that surround the educational experiences of immigrant students.

Consequently, immigrant students continue to lack viable learning opportunities when compared to the Greek pupils Paleologou, The OECD policy review of migrant54 education recently launched to compare education outcomes of immigrant students to those of their native Greek peers, in fact, confirms that students with an immigrant background are known to perform worse than native students, and subsequently, tend to have lower employment outcomes than the children of natives in most countries55 see OECD, My thesis, however, focuses mainly on non-EU immigrants. Moreover, this is not solely due to the higher socioeconomic background of immigrants in Canada — on the contrary, immigrant children from lower socio-economic backgrounds also do better in Canada than in other countries Kymlicka, Certainly, these results are inconclusive and must be broadened to address legal and illegal aliens living in Greece, their acceptance by Greek society and their integration into this society Hantzi, More specifically, one of the greatest obstacles in attempting to address the challenges of xenophobia, racism, and human rights violations in the educational system is primarily due to the fact that Greeks do not quite understand or they are not fully cognizant of their xenophobic attitudes.

Xenoracism, as a notion, ties more closely to understanding the relation of Greek citizenship jus sanguini versus jus soli with respect to immigrants, and enables a more nuanced reading of the anti-immigrant discourses in the case of Greece. While the social impact of immigrants was what concerned the public the most, and thus shaped their beliefs on the impact of immigration, the pool of elites from which government officials are drawn was most influenced by economic concerns.

Linos draws on Migration Theory to explain the Greek Case and conducted 30 interviews with Greek, French and Italian policymakers and activists and analyzed Eurobarometer data as well as country level indices of political variables to compare European countries that had passed amnesties to those that had not. Nonetheless, Eurobarometer polls ultimately indicate that public sentiment towards immigrants in Greece remains intolerant and xenophobic Levinson, Of course it would be highly counter intuitive to believe that prejudice, injustice, racism, xenophobia and exclusion do not seep into school environments — in fact, they may even be generated and cultivated within school environment.

Nikolaou and Travasarou express the urgent need for approaches to the integration of immigrant students that must include certain necessary educational services and the proper psychological support for immigrant students and their families. For example, towards that effect, a specially designed curriculum would allow immigrant students to learn their native language, history, and civilization, and at the same time follow the curriculum of Greek students and thus learn more about their host society. The review of the literature indicates that opinions and attitudes of students, administrators, and teachers have not been systematically explored. I anticipate that my research and investigation that aims to grasp the lived experiences of immigrant students, i.

Clearly, aside from being a social problem, immigration has been interpreted as a national policy problem that urgently necessitates state intervention beyond building walls and barriers on the land border or sea to block unauthorized immigration. The lack of proper cultural sensitivity training for both national students and teachers may contribute to this increase in hostile sentiments towards immigrant students. The extreme opinions expressed by a certain number of students also need to be considered and will be further examined in the study, and points to the potential of schools as being active producers, and not just reproducers, of xenoracism.

The introduction of immigrants into Greek society has not only caused certain educational problems, but also created a series of social services concerns and worries, and exposed even greater problems. Greece and Greek society, although a country of origin for generations of immigrants, has been unprepared to receive scores of immigrants from other countries Damanakis, ; Nikolaou ; Rozakis, From a policy perspective, it only makes sense to intervene when a sizable subset of the student population in Greek public schools is vulnerable and disenfranchised. In addition, analysis of the literature reveals a considerable need to investigate the highly complex nature of immigration policy and school level policies for immigrant students. Apostolatou maintains that the actors involved and the levels at which policies are made in Greece is a topic largely ignored by the academic community.

Research on the process of policy-making in Greece is underdeveloped, while the review of the literature reveals, yet again, the need for future research and mainly focuses on the national decision-making level of immigrant and integration policies in Greece, simply because studies at the local, intermediate, and supranational levels are almost nonexistent Migrant Integration Policy Index, Greece; Prokou, ; Triantafyllidou, ; Tsakloglou, Policy measures continue to be short term and highly fragmented and this is ultimately reflected in the public school system that is centrally controlled through the Greek Ministry of Education and its departments.

It seems that very little has been done to make programming for immigrant students a priority Triantafillydou, ; as such, immigrant youth in Greece continue to be victims of an outdated and highly fragmented immigration and public school system. Although several immigrant associations and NGOs led by Greeks have gradually emerged over the past fifteen years and have gained noteworthy visibility in the media, the media has, unfortunately, been inclined to privilege the perpetuation of negative prejudices and stereotypes of immigrants. Only recently have there been initiatives or measures that have aimed to target xenophobic attitudes and perceptions of Greeks towards foreigners; that aim to promote tolerance, cultural pluralism and to bring forward the positive aspects of migration.

As previously mentioned, Greek educational and school level policies that are inextricably tied to the political interests of the state,56 tend to overlook immigrant minority groups, by and large, rendering them socially invisible and stigmatized The Greek system is highly centralized. Formulation and implementation of educational policies have been very much affected by tradition and inextricably intertwined with patterns of classicism and nationalism over a long period of Greek history.

Furthermore, since the state funds education, it reserves the right to define and control educational processes and policies. The researchers present and review the major problems that currently exist in the Greek education system and conduct field research in the context of the EMILIE project. In reviewing the literature, the researchers conduct an empirical qualitative study that includs qualitative interviews with policy makers and teachers, informal discussions with actors involved in, or having a stake in, intercultural education, and two discussion groups aimed to generate primary material that may allow for a better understanding of the educational challenges posed by migrationrelated diversity in Greece. Again, the authors stress the urgent need to promote initiatives requiring, of course, the attention of policy makers that will facilitate communication between different ethnic, linguistic and religious groups and that will tap into the cultural capital of foreign students.

Usually non-EU members. Foreign nationals of Greek origin, citizens of Member States of the European Union as well as recognized political refugees and stateless persons are more likely to apply for naturalization and more likely to attain citizenship. But again, the process remains blurry. The authors discuss how social inequality is reproduced in the Greek education system and emphasize the need for further research to better grapple with the complex nature of the nation-state in Greece. Before the authors begin to critique the political economy of Greek education and scrutinize the available scarce research, they sketch the structure of the Greek educational system and critically examine the outcomes of policy and the ways in which educational inequalities are mediated and manifested within the Greek education system.

While the fundamental notions of Greek nationalism have been a Eurocentric perception of the world, homogeneity has been contested in the context of new developments which necessarily calls for a redefinition of Greek national identity, particularly since second generation immigrants become better incorporated in the social, political and economic structure of the country. All in all, the possibility of a considerable re-contextualization of the Greek population as a potentially postmodernizing labour force on both the cultural and social levels is necessary. Education offers a prospect for equal opportunity and enhanced social mobility and can be considered as an opportunity for Greeks to take a leading role in the geopolitical area of South-Eastern Europe.

Giamouridis and Bagley offer a breakdown of the structure of Greek education and pinpoint some of inefficiencies that are numerous in the Greek education system. Their findings drawn from existing studies suggest that the Greek educational system is promoting and reproducing inequalities among social groups. These inequalities are associated with 76 factors that are socio-economic, geographical, and ethnic minority status, and, to a lesser extent, gender status. This leads to the assumption or hypothesis of the importance of cultural capital rather than actually testing their hypotheses.

Despite the resistance applied to them, the pension system, the education system and the labour market among others have been reformed. Where reform failures are located, is more so in the ability of the proposed, contested, rejected or implemented reforms to address the anomalies of the system that they seek to transform. This groundbreaking collection synthesises new institutionalism and gendered analysis using a new approach - feminist institutionalism - in order to answer crucial questions about power inequalities, mechanisms of continuity, and the Laura Sjoberg positions gender and gender subordination as key factors in the making and fighting of global conflict. Ute Gerhard places women's rights at the center of legal philosophy and sees the struggle for equality as a driving force in the history of law.

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In fact, the tremendous growth in Theme Of Interculturalism In Antigone support for radical right wing parties across Western Europe that are clearly defined by their positions Theme Of Interculturalism In Antigone opposition to immigration Antonys Ethos In Julius Caesar been Bohr And Heisenbergs Uncertainty Theory as exclusivist, nativist, and xenophobic Williams, Theme Of Interculturalism In Antigone Do you read books of poetry or magazines about celebrities? Although several immigrant associations and NGOs Theme Of Interculturalism In Antigone by Greeks have Theme Of Interculturalism In Antigone emerged over Theme Of Interculturalism In Antigone past fifteen years and have gained noteworthy visibility in the media, the media has, unfortunately, been inclined Theme Of Interculturalism In Antigone privilege the perpetuation Theme Of Interculturalism In Antigone negative prejudices and stereotypes of immigrants.